The use of large language models (LLMs) is becoming common in political science and digital media research. While LLMs have demonstrated ability in labelling tasks, their effectiveness to classify Political Content (PC) from URLs remains underexplored. This article evaluates whether LLMs can accurately distinguish PC from non-PC using both the text and the URLs of news articles across five countries (France, Germany, Spain, the UK, and the US) and their different languages. Using cutting-edge models, we benchmark their performance against human-coded data to assess whether URL-level analysis can approximate full-text analysis. Our findings show that URLs embed relevant information and can serve as a scalable, cost-effective alternative to discern PC. However, we also uncover systematic biases: LLMs seem to overclassify centrist news as political, leading to false positives that may distort further analyses. We conclude by outlining methodological recommendations on the use of LLMs in political science research.

Large language models (LLMs) are known to generate politically biased text, yet how such biases arise remains unclear. A crucial step toward answering this question is the analysis of training data, whose political content remains largely underexplored in current LLM research. To address this gap, we present in this paper an analysis of the pre- and post-training corpora of OLMO2, the largest fully open-source model released together with its complete dataset. From these corpora, we draw large random samples, automatically annotate documents for political orientation, and analyze their source domains and content. We then assess how political content in the training data correlates with models' stance on specific policy issues. Our analysis shows that left-leaning documents predominate across datasets, with pre-training corpora containing significantly more politically engaged content than post-training data. We also find that left- and right-leaning documents frame similar topics through distinct values and sources of legitimacy. Finally, the predominant stance in the training data strongly correlates with models' political biases when evaluated on policy issues. These findings underscore the need to integrate political content analysis into future data curation pipelines as well as in-depth documentation of filtering strategies for transparency.

Language model alignment research often attempts to ensure that models are not only helpful and harmless, but also truthful and unbiased. However, optimizing these objectives simultaneously can obscure how improving one aspect might impact the others. In this work, we focus on analyzing the relationship between two concepts essential in both language model alignment and political science: \textit{truthfulness} and \textit{political bias}. We train reward models on various popular truthfulness datasets and subsequently evaluate their political bias. Our findings reveal that optimizing reward models for truthfulness on these datasets tends to result in a left-leaning political bias. We also find that existing open-source reward models (i.e. those trained on standard human preference datasets) already show a similar bias and that the bias is larger for larger models. These results raise important questions about both the datasets used to represent truthfulness and what language models capture about the relationship between truth and politics.

Polarization, declining trust, and wavering support for democratic norms are pressing threats to U.S. democracy. Exposure to verified and quality news may lower individual susceptibility to these threats and make citizens more resilient to misinformation, populism, and hyperpartisan rhetoric. This project examines how to enhance users' exposure to and engagement with verified and ideologically balanced news in an ecologically valid setting. We rely on a large-scale two-week long field experiment (from 1/19/2023 to 2/3/2023) on 28,457 Twitter users. We created 28 bots utilizing GPT-2 that replied to users tweeting about sports, entertainment, or lifestyle with a contextual reply containing two hardcoded elements: a URL to the topic-relevant section of quality news organization and an encouragement to follow its Twitter account. To further test differential effects by gender of the bots, treated users were randomly assigned to receive responses by bots presented as female or male. We examine whether our over-time intervention enhances the following of news media organization, the sharing and the liking of news content and the tweeting about politics and the liking of political content. We find that the treated users followed more news accounts and the users in the female bot treatment were more likely to like news content than the control. Most of these results, however, were small in magnitude and confined to the already politically interested Twitter users, as indicated by their pre-treatment tweeting about politics. These findings have implications for social media and news organizations, and also offer direction for future work on how Large Language Models and other computational interventions can effectively enhance individual on-platform engagement with quality news and public affairs.

We use GPT-4 to obtain position estimates of political texts in continuous spaces. We develop and validate a new approach by positioning British party manifestos on the economic, social, and immigration policy dimensions and tweets by members of the US Congress on the left-right ideological spectrum. For the party manifestos, the correlation between the positions produced by GPT-4 and experts is 93% or higher, a performance similar to or better than that obtained with crowdsourced position estimates. For individual tweets, the positions obtained with GPT-4 achieve a correlation of 91% with crowdsourced position estimates. For senators of the 117th US Congress, the positions obtained with GPT-4 achieve a correlation of 97% with estimates based on roll call votes and of 96% with those based on campaign funding. Correlations are also substantial within party, indicating that position estimates produced with GPT-4 capture within-party differences between senators. Overall, using GPT-4 for ideological scaling is fast, cost-efficient, and reliable. This approach provides a viable alternative to scaling by both expert raters and crowdsourcing.

Just as Twitter starts banning accounts that impersonate its new owner Elon Musk, it seems the social media platform is also rejecting ads that criticize the Chief Twit's Tesla. The Dawn Project, an anti-Tesla advocacy group, recently took out a full-page advertisement in the New York Times that claims the carmaker's Full Self-Driving system'presents a life-threatening danger to child pedestrians.' The group attempted to promote the ad on Twitter, but received a notification that it was not approved due to being'political.' However, its founder posted the advertisement to his account and it has yet to be taken down. The advertisement discusses testing conducted by the group in October, which claims to show the system does not register or stop for small mannequins crossing a road.

Chinese tech company Baidu is blocking prompts with political content for its image AI. ERNIE-ViLG is the name of the Chinese counterpart to DALL-E 2, Midjourney and Stable Diffusion. Unlike the Western AI models, ERNIE-ViLG specifically handles Chinese characters and is better with anime images. The model was trained with 145 million text-image pairs and manages ten billion parameters. By comparison, Stable Diffusion has 890 million parameters, while DALL-E 2 has a total of about 3.5 billion parameters.

Most existing personalization systems promote items that match a user's previous choices or those that are popular among similar users. This results in recommendations that are highly similar to the ones users are already exposed to, resulting in their isolation inside familiar but insulated information silos. In this context, we develop a novel recommendation framework with a goal of improving information diversity using a modified random walk exploration of the user-item graph. We focus on the problem of political content recommendation, while addressing a general problem applicable to personalization tasks in other social and information networks. For recommending political content on social networks, we first propose a new model to estimate the ideological positions for both users and the content they share, which is able to recover ideological positions with high accuracy. Based on these estimated positions, we generate diversified personalized recommendations using our new random-walk based recommendation algorithm. With experimental evaluations on large datasets of Twitter discussions, we show that our method based on \emph{random walks with erasure} is able to generate more ideologically diverse recommendations. Our approach does not depend on the availability of labels regarding the bias of users or content producers. With experiments on open benchmark datasets from other social and information networks, we also demonstrate the effectiveness of our method in recommending diverse long-tail items.

For the purposes of this initial set of tests in Canada, Brazil, Indonesia, and the United States, we'll be reducing the distribution of political content in News Feed for a small percentage of users by using a machine learning model that is trained to look for signals of political content and predict whether a post is related to politics,

The 2016 United States presidential election was marked by the abuse of targeted advertising on Facebook. Concerned with the risk of the same kind of abuse to happen in the 2018 Brazilian elections, we designed and deployed an independent auditing system to monitor political ads on Facebook in Brazil. To do that we first adapted a browser plugin to gather ads from the timeline of volunteers using Facebook. We managed to convince more than 2000 volunteers to help our project and install our tool. Then, we use a Convolution Neural Network (CNN) to detect political Facebook ads using word embeddings. To evaluate our approach, we manually label a data collection of 10k ads as political or non-political and then we provide an in-depth evaluation of proposed approach for identifying political ads by comparing it with classic supervised machine learning methods. Finally, we deployed a real system that shows the ads identified as related to politics. We noticed that not all political ads we detected were present in the Facebook Ad Library for political ads. Our results emphasize the importance of enforcement mechanisms for declaring political ads and the need for independent auditing platforms.